Return to 2011

Everyone remembers the Brexit referendum of 2016, many recall the Scottish Independence referendum of 2014, but the 2011 United Kingdom Alternative Vote (AV) referendum had largely disappeared from the collective memory - until now.

Proportional Representation (PR) is back in the news following the recent general election, which delivered the Labour Party a landslide majority of parliamentary seats on 34% of votes cast. Initially, there was a widespread sense of relief, if not exactly jubilation, at having finally rid ourselves of the austerity and chaos of fourteen years of successive Conservative-led and -majority governments. But now the results have been digested the manifest unfairness of the First-Past-the-Post (FPTP) system - one shared in Europe only with Belarus apparently - is causing some dismay. And quite rightly

The most glaring dis-beneficiaries of FPTP in this election have been Reform UK and the Greens. The Electoral Reform Society claimed the 2024 result was “the most disproportional in British electoral history”. Despite gaining millions of votes Reform UK ended up with five MPs and the Greens four. And therein lies the problem. The Lib Dems (at whose insistence the 2011 referendum was held as a price for joining the Tory coalition government) have learned to play the current system to their advantage and gained seventy-one seats as a result. 

Had it just been the Greens losing out there might have been widespread sympathy for revisiting PR but the fact that Reform, led by Nigel Farage, are also in the mix is likely to dampen enthusiasm for implementing a system that could potentially have seen his right-wing anti-immigrant party with as many seats as the Lib Dems. Popular or not, expect Farage to shout loudly about it when he takes his seat on the green benches in the House of Commons.

We saw just how disruptive Farage can be from his performance as an MEP in the European Parliament so we cannot afford to be complacent. But, on this issue at least, he has just cause to be angry, which makes him all the more dangerous. The widespread effective disenfranchisement of millions of voters resulting from FPTP is utterly indefensible but the issue is liable to be ignored the more Farage pushes for it simply because the prospect of a large bloc of Faragist MPs is so unpalatable.

However, if over the course of its first term in office, Labour can address immigration, grow the economy and bring in voting from age sixteen, Reform might become less of a threat under a PR system. Parties like Reform (as witness Farage's previous vehicles, UKIP and the Brexit Party) feed on the rancour and alienation caused by social and economic inequality and feelings of neglect amongst large swathes of the UK population such as led to the collapse of Labour's so-called Red Wall seats in 2019.

Many of those former Red Wall seats have now been regained by Keir Starmer's Labour Party but, as has been observed (including by Boris Johnson, which doesn't necessarily invalidate it), support for their Change agenda is broad but shallow. Having gained only 34% of the total vote it can hardly claim a ringing endorsement. It will do for now, of course, but without meaningful change it could just as easily be lost after one term as Clement Attlee's was in 1951.* 

It has rightly been said of PR that turkeys don't vote for Christmas so there's little incentive for Starmer to act now. First, he needs to ensure that the success of his policies renders Reform irrelevant by 2029. Then, just maybe, a fairer electoral system can be safely implemented.

Until then, expect PR to feature largely in the new parliament.

*Having won a landslide majority in 1945 Attlee began a second term in 1950 with a hugely-reduced majority of five seats, which he tried to increase by calling a snap general election in 1951. He lost decisively to Winston Churchill. 

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